International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)

International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention
ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714
www.ijhssi.org Volume 2 Issue 7 ǁ July. 2013ǁ PP.43-50
www.ijhssi.org 43 | P a g e
Satire as Protest in an Indigenous Festival: The case of
Ade Adejumo(PhD)
General Studies Department, Ladoke Akintola University of Technology Ogbomoso, Nigeria
ABSTRACT: Various Societies have over time devised strategies of beating erring members of their
commmunities back to the communally sanctioned path of behaviours. So also are those in position of
authority, who exhibit tendencies to abuse such offices subjected to public sanctions which manifest in diverse
forms. Among the Yoruba, various corrective verbal forms have evolved. These include such Yoruba traditional
corrective verbal sanctions as ‘Y y ’ (mockery), eebu (invectives), apara (jest) and Èfè/ (satirizing)
that have evolved over time. This paper focuses on (the Satiric act) which is an indigenous festival among
some Yoruba sub-groups. Specifically, it examines the verbal content of the festival which have been used over
times as an instrument of protesting the percieved injusties by government, institutions or individuals in high
positions. The data are drawn from recorded festivals and are subjected to sociological analysis through the
prism of a literary scholar. The paper concludes that is still a very useful verbal instrument of social
engineering especially in our present vice-riddled socio-political realities. It can be adapted as an instrument
of mass mobilization and mass education in our electronic media in the combat of anti-social conducts.
KEYWORDS: / (satirizing), Y y (Mockery), Eebu ((invectives), Protest, Festival, Social
engineering, mass mobilization.
I. INTRODUCTION
/G l d tradition has recieved deep attention from scholars over the years. These include scholars
like Ulli Beier (1958), Frank Speed (1968), Peggy Harper (1970), Jacques Kerchache (1973), Jacques Bernolles
(1973), Anthony Asiwaju (1975, 1976, Afolabi Olabimtan (1970, 1972, 1981), Gabriel Fayomi (1982), Benedict
M. Ibitokun (1981, 1987, 1993), Emmanuel Babatunde (1998), Robert Thompson (1971, 1974), Henry and
Margaret drewal (1974a, 1974b, 1975, 1983), S.O Oyedepo (1979), Babtunde Lawal (1996), Ronke Adesanya
(1997), Dele Layiwola (1998) and Olu Obafemi (1984). These studies can be classified broadly into three
groups, namely: socio-historical, litero-anthropological and litero-sociological.
Beier‟s (1958) pioneering work on the G l d ceremonies in Porto Novo and Kétu was an eye witness
account, which reported on the evolutionary notion that the G l d cult was associated with women. This was
traced to the historical fact that a time in the past, women were regarded as more powerful than men. This power
might not be unconnected with the association of women with the cult. Harper (1970), offers that, in G l d
dance performance, the accent is on entertainment and the masks performed to please Iyalase and her women
in particular and the spectators in general (89). He therefore submits that the dance movement patterns of the
G l d performances in Ijio “are an expression of social and ritual functions of the dance and the dramatic
intentions of the performers” (89). According to the critic, in the /G l d art, the images depicted on the
wooden masks are not employed merely to appeal to the beholders, they also express diverse shades of
meanings as they reveal both mythcal and historical antecedents of such performances. Essentially, Beier‟s work
uses the G l d tradition to instantiate the immence socio-political power which the women wielded in the
traditional culture. This power was conferred on them by the cult which exclusively belongs to them and
through which they exert both physical and extra-physical influences on their society. Layiwola (1998), while
seeing G l d as both festival (odun) and religion, acknowledges the immence influence that women exert on
the tradition. He agrees with both Beier and Ibitokun that the /G l d mask perform to please and appease
the witches “ who can bring grevious harm to their detractors, especially the daring male chauvinist.” (58).
Drewal and Drewal (1983) in their book, G l d : Art and Female Power among the Yoruba, provide
information on varieties of G l d art form in Egbado- colony and Kétu community. To them, Kétu and
Ìdòfà are the originators of G l d art form. They percieve / G l d as a variant of the Yoruba Egungun.
This assertion has however been disputed by Ibitokun (1993) who describes it as inaccurate and misleading. The
misconception, he says, is as a result of the fact that the Drewal‟s “research findings on G l d / have been
drawn from predominantly Egbado- community of Nigeria where Egúngún cult holds droit de cuite” (20).

Satire as Protest in an Indigenous Festival…
They also contend that while is a male mmasquerade, G l d is a female affair. This is aptly captured in
their own words;
In Egbado there is an overwhelming preponderance of female masks,
and in Lagos all masquerades appear, however in night and
there is general agreement among members that is male
and G l d is female... (Drewal and Drewal, 1983: 147)
This gender cleavages between and G l d is also attested to by Adesanya (1977). She
acknowledges the influence of the Egungun cult on the Gèlèdé art in Egbado (Yewa). As pointed out
earlier, Ibitokun (1993) disagrees with the Drewals who describe /G l d as Egungun. He emphasizes the
difference between Egúngún and . According to the critic, while Egungun is celestial, is terrestial.
Beside, these two traditions can be distinguished on a geographical basis: Egúngún is associated with ,
while G l d is claimed to belong to the Kétu people. Furthermore, Egúngún, Ibitokun argues, is
predominanatly a male affair that has to do with ancestral worship whereas G l d is a female cult. Ibitokun
submits further that; while Egungun maquerade simulates, speaking with a guttural voice to be actual timbre of
the dead, the masker sings with a clear, natural and melodious human voice. In addition, in a male
dominated society, G l d provides a means of restoring male-female balance. In the critic‟s words, “it is the
female gender carnival in the phallia-autocracy” (Ibitokun 1993: 38). This in essence means that the G l d
carnival provides a means of breaking unwarranted male dominance in the society. It is essential to note that
Ibitokun (1993) strictly works within a dramatic art/sociological perspective.
Olabimtan (1981) takes a poetic look at / G l d in Egbado, Kétu - Yoruba communities. He sees
/ G l d poet as one who performs the role of the mass media. Thus, / G l d poet is to inform, educate,
entertain and voice out public opinion. The act of informing and educating comes in when he serves as a means
of reminding people of their responsibility to conform to the wishes of their society. The task of entertaining is
achieved through acts of singing, dancing and drumming. The / G l d poet also takes up the task of
defending the cause of justice of any member of the society.
The power to achieve the goal of influencing any decision as it affects an individual society rests on
two main factors: the attchment of the poet to the G l d cult which itself has a strong link with the cult of A ̀jẹ ́
and the freedom enjoyed by the poet to express publicly what could not be said directly to a man‟s face. To
Olabimtan, messages are always credible since the composition is based on veritable and dependable
sources in the commuity.
Olabimtan concludes that ‟s role as a social crusader remain the same in the contemporary society
as it was in the past. It does not only whip up sentiments against social deviants, it also influences public
opinions and attitudes towards institutions through the instrumentality of its poetic and rhythmic rendition.
Babatunde (1988) applies the gender approach to look at Kétu migration story. He discusses and
analyses Yoruba myths in order to bring out the prominent and potent roles of women in the face of male
weakness. He specifically mentions the role of Iyalase, the priestess of Iyanla/ Iya un.
As an art-historian, Adesanya (1997) examines the verbal and visual characteristics of G l d in order
to unravel the mystry surrounding its origin. She sees /G l d as avariant of the Yoruba Egungun. However,
she believes that G l d ‟s social relevance is different from that of egungun since it does not concern itself with
ancestral worship. G l d , to her, is a female affair and the essence is to bring about gender balance for justice,
order and harmony. Tracing the history of Kétu and its trade link in arts with other Yoruba Kingdoms, she
asserts that artistic influence is reflected during the performance of G l d . This is seen in the frequency of
the appearance of images and symbols of Sango and Orisa-oko in G l d corpus. Using the visual, oral and
written evidences on G l d , she concludes that is an artistic hybrid of the culttural milieu of Kétu and
its Yoruba neigbours with significant influence from . In essence, she sees it as a metaphor of ‟s artistic
hegemony.
Lawal (1978), Henry and Drewal (1983;27), Adeoye (1978), Drewal and Drewal (1983; 134), Ibitokun
(1993:32-34), Fagg and Pemberton (1982: 17) work on Gèlèdé and examines its relation to spirit children. The
notion of spirit children in this case should not be associated with „Abiku‟ (born to die) because the goal of
is „Abiye‟ (born to live).
Adegbola (2007) examines the importance of and concludes that the tradition “combines art and
rituual dance to educate, amuse and inspire worship”. He then upholds its usefulness to profssional

communicatioon as ameans of information. He also views from a gender perspective and submits that
since women are very significant custodians and propagators of oral genres, and given their centrality in
tradition, the ritual and secular agendas contained in the songs can be utilized for the education of the
younger ones;
The present effort is an extention of Adegbola‟s study which examines the educational relevance of the
tradition. For clarity, the evolution as phases of (ritual) and Èfè (the satire) and their place in the society is
diagramatically represented below:
refers to the primodial verbal satiric form which gave form to the ritualized variant as a
memorabilia in honour of the first protege who adopted the already existing form in a ritual dance to solve a
pressing social problems (see yemoja mythical account of origin), as a verbal form, convieniently
accomodates the various subset as Y y , Awada, Ifedasèfè and Eebu. As a result of this relationship, a brief
discussion of each of these subsets is germaine at this point. This is very relevant here because all of these
features prominently in the Yoruba satiric tradition.
Yeye
Y y is milder, its performance is not necessarilty elaborate as . It takes place in impromptu
settings. It can be seen as the equivalence of what Piersen describes as “Satric songs (acts) of more personal
gossip and recrimination, (which) were point of every day life” (177). It is not a periodic art and it takes place
among any age grade. In Y y , actions and offences of minor importance provide occasion for satiric comments.
It is a form of “slap stick farce” which is more relaxed when compared with in terms of seriousness. It is
essentially used to ridicle somebody whose conducts are perceived to run counter to common sense or obvious
wisdom. Such conducts do not necessarilty have to portend danger to the interest or survival of the group.
Y y like , can be verbal and non-verbal, it takes the form of commments couched in witticism, indirection,
thinly masked invectives and exaggeration. The non-verbal aspects involves “face-making”, funny gesture and
postures and mimicry of the victims‟s known mannerism. Y y does not have any trapping of festivity. It is a
diurnal show.
Awada
As indicated earlier, Awada or Apara is laughter-provoking among peers. The motive is to provide
laughter during relaxation. In this regard, it lightens the spirit and promotes social ties and friendliness. It is a
verbal exchange in which witty manipulations of liguistic resources are employed. Court jesters in Oba‟s
palaces also employ this mode, sometimes not to criticize the Oba but to put him in good mood whenever
occasion demands. In it, especially when employed among peeers, light-hearted non-aggressive abuses (eebu)
can be used.
Ifedasèfè
Ifedasèfè is a mordern Yoruba coinage which refers to mockery derived from careful observation of
human shortcoming both in terms of conducts and physical blemishes. If is employed where outright abuse is
discouraged or considered dangerous. Its major tool is indirection. It features proverbs, anecdotes and
witticisms. Also, the use of carved images as we have in the use of Etiyeri mock masks features in the Ifedasèfè.
In mordern times, cartoons play the role that Ifedasèfè plays in traditional communication. Note that this is not
represented in the chart because of its relatively new coinage.
Eebu
Eebu functions within Yoruba social discourse especially in quarrel situations, as a form of verbal
combat where the parties involved exchange hot aggresive and insulting words. Here, physical attributes

(blemishes) are mentioned to hurt the feelings of the individual involved in the eebu exchange. This at times
degenerates into curses. On another plane, eebu functioons as a tool for correction especially within the family
set-up where parents morally chide their erring children. In this case, physical blemishes are not menntioned
since children generally inherit most of the physical features from their parents. is seen in the light similar
too the second role , which eebu performs above; but it does so, on a higher , formal and grander scale. The
sense in which it is used here is what the Kétu and other practicing communities call “Oro- ” (satiric words)
during the /G l d festival.
In essence, in the eebu art, the emotion of hostility is openly displayed in the use of barbed words and
expressions to hurt the other party. This hostility is repressed and temperd by the satirist‟s recourse to
humourous criticism of vices. This is why Joseph Addison (1711) reported by Kennedy and Combe (1988)
offers that, “satire has smiles in her look, and a dagger under her garment” (6). It is this effort at masking satiric
jibes under humourous acts that distinguishes it from invectives. The same line of demarcation exists between
and eebu arts amongst the Yoruba.
Eebu (invective) in many instances, is motivated by private vendetta and is always heavily coloured by
personal biases, but (satire) deal with factual and verifiable occurence. Satire is usually placed at the
service of the entire commuity and humanity in general. It should be mentioned that our opeerational conception
of includes all these subsets which have diffused into the performance.
II. BETWEEN AND
One of the distinctive features of these forms comes as a result of their colocative combinations. For
example, apara collates with “da-apara, „se‟- y y , awada and while „bu‟collocates with – eebu. (the
ritual), explains the magico-religious consciousness of the people that practice it as a festival. It evolved
primarily to placate and venerate womanhood thereby ensuring the well being of the society. On the other hand,
(the purely communicative) emphasizes the satiric aspect of its application in the ordinary Yoruba language
use. There is as an institutional art form, there is also in every discourse. The art form makes use of the
everyday discourse form. Though the latter sense has its origin in the former sense, yet, in the mordern Yoruba
verbal communication, it is latter sense that has gained widest currency. The word, tends to have been so
divested of its ritualism that just any unserious verbal exchange or even play on words now passes as in the
morder Yoruba usage. Its semantic bordeer has been expanded to include subset such as Y y , Awada and
Apara. It must however be noted that yeye, Awada, Eebu and Apara which feature prominently in have no
serious line of demarcation. Context of use plays significant role in their application. For example, what can be
glossed over as y y or awada in certain context becomes eebu when used in another context. At times, these
subsets of can be seen as synonyms for one another because of their serious overlaps. Contemporary
Yoruba theatre practitioners like kayode Olaiya (Aderupoko), Ayo Ogunsina (Papilolo), Moses Olaiya-Adejumo
(Baba Sala) and even late Gbenga Adeboye have exploited these genres in their satiric performances. This
desacralization, noticed in (ritual) which of course is an evidence of cultural dynamism, is a universal trand
noticed in other ritual festivsls like Egúngún, Orò, Ṣango, Ògun, etc. In mordern times, the festive aspect is
increasingly being accentuated to progressive de-emphasizing of the ritual while the canivalesque with the
accompanying funfare is gaining prominence.
The present study tows Olabimtan‟s line which explores the social relevance of the art as an instrument of
publicity pronouncing social infractions and their agents with the ultimate aim of correcting and reforming the
human community. Here, we adopt a dualist view of as protest and as a correctional traditional art
form.
III. CONTENT ANALYSIS
As pointed out earlier, , just like any contemporary mass media is no respecter of class, status or
officialdom. It tells it as it is. This belief stems from the Yoruba belief that Oba kii mu onkorin” (no king arrest
a bard). Hence, can “say it as it is.” This view is graphically captured in the following rendittion;
Mo d‟awí konko lójú onile I am noe the one-who-speaks-directly
-to-a-man’s face
Emi ti ńs r l‟ooju ọl r Me, who speak of a man directly to
His face
Mo d‟awi konko l‟oju onile I am now the one-who-speaks-directly

To-a-man’s face
Emi ti ńs r l‟ooju ọl r Me, who speak of a man directly to
His face
Oṣoo‟le kan ko gbodo pa mije No wizard dare kill me
Fatona de Alakasu-ohun, No witch dare kill me
Omoo Olupeju, omo Alawo Ojumu Fatona is here, the-one-with-heavy-
utterance
Fatona de Alakasu Ohun. The offspring of Olupeju, the offspring
Alawo Ojumu
Fatona is here, the-one-with-heavy-
utterance
(Olabimtan; 1981: 158)
In this rendition, the poet establishes his uncommon courages to confront the evil doer and put him on
the spot. This is an important character trait that a public crusader must posses. The phrase, “Awi Konko”
clearly captures this. He also hints at the source of his power of immunity- „oso‟ (sourcerer), and „ ‟ witches.
It is instructive to note here that the exra-natural powers are the patrons and matrons respectively of the
cult. By extention, since the artist speaks for the people, his/her power derives from them.
Note the poetry in the careful deployement of lexical items in this piece: Awi-konko paints clearly
the picture of confrontation, challenge and righteous audacity. It is like saying one that is able to hit the nail on
the head. Note also the use of “Alakasu Ohun” (the one with heavy utterances). „Alakasu‟ depicts size and
weight. Hence „Alákàsù ohùn (heavy utterances) metaphorically captures that which one that is not specially
enabled cannot utter. This ability to say it to the face of the concern is central to the Yoruba belief that “aja kii
gbo, k‟enu e o faya” (the dog‟s mouth is not torn as a result of barking.)
In another satiric jibe, pokes corrective fun at the expense of avaricious wives in the following episode:
Ẹwí f kọ mi ko fun mi lówό Tell my husband
Ngó ra leesi p lu ginni I will buy lace and guinea (clothes)
To ba maa wemo ngó gbàró aso kan (2ce) If he wants to wean the child, I will
Take a wrapper (cloth)(2ce)
Boo mu wa kii sòran yàn If you dont bring it, it is not by force
Bi o fun mi láso, emi na ò nì bìmo If you don’t give me the cloth, I too
Will not give birth
Bo o mu wa kii sòran yàn... If you don’t bring it, it is not by force
(Joga, Dec., 2006)
does not believe in indirection. Names of culprits are mentioned especially those that are guilty of serious
moral infraction. The exerpt below, clearly demonstrates this:
Aafa Akeem ńk what of Alfa Akeem
Ọmọ Al kọlódò Son of Alokolodo
Mó rò pé àdúà Pàtàkì l ńṣe I hope it is special prayer that you
Are offering
Le fi ńse meet in the corner? That you are mmeeting at the corner?
Ah ah! Ah ah!
Ṣé bí w n pé Is it not said that
Àwọn Alaafa ṣà mójútó the Alfas do not do inspection?
yin lẹ sì ńṣe wáà sí and it is you that preaches
Pé kí tińj tí ń j that this, that those...
Ilu ọmọ Òróbìyí Oga ilu, son of orobiyi
Kíle a ti se ṣèyí ki yàgàdà ó tó wagada How did you do it before things turn
Turpsy turvy
Bí yi kúkúrú òbá gbón if the short one is foolish
Kíló ṣèyí gíga what happened to the tall one.
Audience: máà f o Efe keep talking
Ajá i gbó kéyín è yo A dog does not loose its teeth for
barking

máà f o Efe keep talking
: En, óyẹ kí Taofiki pé ój o dij mii it is expected for taofik to say it
should
Nígbà ójé pé be suspended till another day
Owó Alárinà yíi Aafa Akimu ńgbà since the middleman’s fee that
Akeem has been collecting
Óńfún Taofiki ní dí dí ńb He gives Taofik part of it
Náà ló sep pé ej o dij mi That is why he wants it suspended
Here satirically lampoons religious hypocrisy and adultry. Alfa Akeem, Oga Ilu, and Taofik are exposed as
evil triumvirates in an adulterous episode in the community. The same is noticed in:
Olu Aya Adegbite ńk ? What of Olu, Adegbite’s wife?
Sé torípé Alaaji Agbówórìn ò sínílé is it because the rich Alhaji is not at
home
Le bá sọ lé Mr. Adegbite di hoteli? You then turned Mr. Adegbite’s
House into an hotel
Ngò tètè gb r náà I did not hear about it on time
Ṣé èmi òkúkú ńseré lọ Since I don’t normally go to
Ìsàl Èkó Isale Eko
W n ní ngò ròyìn f ba bí mo délé ọba I t said; I will tell then king when I
Get home
Sebí Dayo ńgb , Alaso pupa I assume Dayo is listening- the red
Clothed one
Ońje yán òńj ko You eat (our) pounded yam you eat
(our) pap
Otun n da mi and you are back stabbing me
Òtít la j gbádò it is true we are Egbados
Àwa ò ti g (2ce) we are not stupid (2ce)
yin h rí is yín làńrí un you the Ohoris that is your
Behaviour we are seeing
Òtít la j gbádò ṣó o f máa r wa je ni? It is true we are egbados do you
want to be cheating us?
Also as keeper of public morality also shows in:
yin ará ibí You these people
Ẹeraye aberanje? Don’t you see the world?
ó ókó ọkọ tán ó bojúj She frowned after a sex with the
husband
Tó bá ti dó tal tán When she had with the concubine
Àkàtíkè She powdered the her face
Oníṣekéṣu ewò dí pẹlẹ bẹ The promiscuous one with flat
buttocks
Oníṣekéṣu ewò dí pẹlẹ bẹ God will surely judge
Ìwo ló máa ń hùwà kí wà What no human can judge
Ìwo ló máa ń hùwà kí wà The wife keeps misbehaving
Abuse, Satire
(Ibara, October, 2006)
In this exerpt, combines Yeye and eebu to satirise the adulterous escapades of the women in question. She
habitually warms up to the concubines while grudgingly carries out her conjugal duties to the husband.
Jagunmolu omo Alókolódò Jagunmolu, son of Alokolodo
Kiní náà mà búy k t ẹ! The matter is quite fantastic
Aà sì le tì torí pè Do we say because our father is a
chief

Enìkan tún jolóyè we should do whatever we like?
Bíi ti yín why don’t you remember that
Kinni naa naa ku pedee someone else’s is a chief like yours
Wón mí the issue is not too good.
Kó dó mi lóko it is said
Kó dó mi nílé to be sexed in the farm
Serifatu ńisàl Alaigboran to be sexed in the house
Ól kọ m jo po laarin odun kan Serifatu at the obstinate’s quater
Ìwà ìbàj w nyí mà bù áyà He acquired eight husbands in a year
Ewí fún Sariyu kóun má these misdeeds are too grievous
Kúkú àìm dí Tell Sariyu let her not die an
Unaccountable death
These misdeeds are not good.
(Joga, Dec., 2006)
Just like any social crusader, the messages of are credible and veritable. This derive from the fact
that is imbued with a supernatural ubiquity – he is all seeing: this, indeed is achieved through the collective
effort of members of the community that surreptitiously report all infractions to the group who can in turn
broadcast such to the entire community for whom serves as the mouth-piece. The quaintessence “awí konko
lójú Ol r (the one who speaks directly to a man‟s face). In this connection, actual names of the offenders are
mentioned with the details of infraction committed. The following is a graphical demonstration of such
factuality:
Ẹkú Àṣeyẹ Greetings on this fitting celebration
Adúp l d Ọl run (2ce) we give thanks to God
Gbogbo àwọn iṣ se ilé Adelé we give thanks to God
Ile awe All the ancestors of Adele’s
compound
Adúp pé w n bawa ya Awe’s compound
Ìgbàdo h We give thanks that they helped us
pluck
W n fi dí tá l nu the maize of spite
W n gbà pé Seidu They plugged the enemy’s mouth
Adide ile Adele They agreed that Seidu Adide
Òògùn lóńse kiri of Adede’s compound
Ki won má jọba Has been employing black magic
Níl yí m So that a king will not be enthroned
Kóle joun ni ó máa k ńtróòlù In this land again
Lú kiri So that he will be the one controlling
this town about
Ṣùgb n ni o but Orunmila saw it
Ọl run rí kàn kálùkù God saw everybody’s mind
Ati dúp l d Ọl run We thank God
Pé orùú oyege that you bore it successfully
Oòní kábàám o May you never have regrets
In this piece, exposes the surreptitious machinations of Seidu to prevent the appointtment of a
substantive Oba for Joga community. Since he was the one acting in that capacity, he was doing everything to
enlongate his tenure so as to continue to enjoy the benefits attached to it. This is an extreme act of selfishness
which is not in the interest of the entire community.
A similar case in point here is contained in the following:
Ohun tό o se What you have done
Ayé ti gbo na The world has heard
Rafatu Ayinke Rafatu Ayinke

Má sè mí Don’t repeat such
Owό tόo gbé yen The money you stole
Owό ìjọ wa ni (2ce) Belongs to our congregation (2ce)
(Joga, Dec., 2006)
does not only criticise or protest misconducts, it points way out of the social malaise by making
suggestions. In the following rendition, tries to use his art to settle the Obaship tussle between two
claimants to the throne of Olu of Ilaro in 1967.
Bόbá j b ni í bá mà da if that is what it will turn to
Ká mόye f‟Adekunle o let’s give the chieftancy title to Adekunle
Edudu Oba Ibese Competition for the royal title in Ibese
Ikú lό pa Otenkan was the cause of Otenkan’s death
Ìyen ò tó mú ṣọgb n dan? Isn’t that a suficient lesson?
E n yanko firifiri you continue to send delegation upon
delegation.
(Olabintan, 1981: 161)
The foregoing discussion has shown that Efe satiric art is a very potent instrument to maintain the
moral, sociologiccal and political sanity of the society. It is a Yoruba traditional art which can be exploited to
heal our comtemporary society of its myriad ills of corruption, misrule abuse of power and related vices that
have for long bogged us down. As an art imbued with very rich spectacle and verbal resources, its poetry, songs,
dances and other related dramaturgical resources are potent mass media tools to mobilize people in the process
of condemnation and protestation that presently plague us as a people.
REFERENCES
[1] Adegbola, A. (2007). “The Importance of Gelede in Yoruba Culture”. Paper presented at “Collogue International Sur Le
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